Produce an information-rich PowerPoint Presentation on the state of Social Entrepreneurship in a country in either Asia, Latin America or Africa. It should be a minimum of 10 slides, not counting the title slide and the reference slide at the end. A suggested outline for the project might be as follows:
I. Brief country presentation (PEST in no more than 2 slides)
II. Definition of Social Entrepreneurship and the key stakeholders (Ecosystem)
III. Major campaigns, goals & targeted areas (Education, Health, etc).
IV. Main activities of the leaders: Individuals, NGOs, Corporations (domestic & International)
V. Examples of successful programs, strategies, outcomes.
VI. Conclusion: overall impact on business, development, quality of life going forward.
Sample Solution
here is, therefore, a discrepancy in techniques of walking that are heavily gendered. The training required for a female model results in a walk that is highly exaggerated and stylized and which deviates radically from ânormalâ styles of walking. Female models often have to walk in very high heels that already change the gait of the body, a âtech- nique of the bodyâ that Mauss (1973) describes, and the current aesthetic is for an exag- gerated âstrutâ that pronounces the lift of the legs and involves planting one foot directly in front of the other rather than in front of its own hip socket. The overall effect generates a very distinct bounce that is an over-blown parody of a walk in a way that would be inappropriate for men. Male modelsâ catwalk has none of these obvious affectations; it is âcasualâ, even âslouchyâ. It is as if the men have simply wandered off the street and onto the catwalk by accident, but it is only ânaturalâ in so far as it replicates techniques of walking men practice off the runway, techniques learned from childhood (Mauss, 1969). Male modelsâ walk appears to disavow or distance itself from the performance; it does not call attention to the men as objects of display and does not offend normative defini- tions of masculinity. Indeed, Parker, a 24-year-old New York model, explicitly linked masculinity to his catwalk performance: âJust walk like a man, just walk like yourself. For guys itâs very different than girls. Girls have to learn to walk. Guys just walk with confidence.â It would seem, so far, that the practices involved in being a female and male model conform to normative heterosexuality: women are decorated, done up, and made to feel more pressure in terms of how their bodies are assessed, and are expected to exaggerate their performances or âdrag upâ the elements of display and exaggerate femininity as display for others. They are schooled and overloaded with codes of femininity, what Borgerson and Rhen (2004) refer to as âexcessesâ, that the female body is inherently lacking, requiring supplements to create the feminine which is always an incomplete final state. Male models, in both interviews with us and in their day-to-day negotiation of castings and jobs, follow gendered scripts so as to appear uninterested in things largely defined as feminine. In this case, they align themselves with heteronormative expectations and per- form hegemonic masculinity. Performing the Self Women have long performed âemotional labourâ in service industries, using their gender and (hetero)sexuality to increase company profits by flattering and flirting with (male) customers (Hochschild, 1983). In fashion, such labour is expected of male models as well. All models, especially new models, spend considerable time selling themselves to clients at highly competitive castings. Mears and Finlay (2005) describe routine work- days in which women models engage in âstrategic friendlinessâ with clients and bookers, channel their âenergyâ, and suppress their true feelings in order to get hired. Wissinger (2007a, 2007b) similarly describes modelsâ strategies to feign enthusiasm and affect on the job. Selling the self involves producing an energetic, upbea>
here is, therefore, a discrepancy in techniques of walking that are heavily gendered. The training required for a female model results in a walk that is highly exaggerated and stylized and which deviates radically from ânormalâ styles of walking. Female models often have to walk in very high heels that already change the gait of the body, a âtech- nique of the bodyâ that Mauss (1973) describes, and the current aesthetic is for an exag- gerated âstrutâ that pronounces the lift of the legs and involves planting one foot directly in front of the other rather than in front of its own hip socket. The overall effect generates a very distinct bounce that is an over-blown parody of a walk in a way that would be inappropriate for men. Male modelsâ catwalk has none of these obvious affectations; it is âcasualâ, even âslouchyâ. It is as if the men have simply wandered off the street and onto the catwalk by accident, but it is only ânaturalâ in so far as it replicates techniques of walking men practice off the runway, techniques learned from childhood (Mauss, 1969). Male modelsâ walk appears to disavow or distance itself from the performance; it does not call attention to the men as objects of display and does not offend normative defini- tions of masculinity. Indeed, Parker, a 24-year-old New York model, explicitly linked masculinity to his catwalk performance: âJust walk like a man, just walk like yourself. For guys itâs very different than girls. Girls have to learn to walk. Guys just walk with confidence.â It would seem, so far, that the practices involved in being a female and male model conform to normative heterosexuality: women are decorated, done up, and made to feel more pressure in terms of how their bodies are assessed, and are expected to exaggerate their performances or âdrag upâ the elements of display and exaggerate femininity as display for others. They are schooled and overloaded with codes of femininity, what Borgerson and Rhen (2004) refer to as âexcessesâ, that the female body is inherently lacking, requiring supplements to create the feminine which is always an incomplete final state. Male models, in both interviews with us and in their day-to-day negotiation of castings and jobs, follow gendered scripts so as to appear uninterested in things largely defined as feminine. In this case, they align themselves with heteronormative expectations and per- form hegemonic masculinity. Performing the Self Women have long performed âemotional labourâ in service industries, using their gender and (hetero)sexuality to increase company profits by flattering and flirting with (male) customers (Hochschild, 1983). In fashion, such labour is expected of male models as well. All models, especially new models, spend considerable time selling themselves to clients at highly competitive castings. Mears and Finlay (2005) describe routine work- days in which women models engage in âstrategic friendlinessâ with clients and bookers, channel their âenergyâ, and suppress their true feelings in order to get hired. Wissinger (2007a, 2007b) similarly describes modelsâ strategies to feign enthusiasm and affect on the job. Selling the self involves producing an energetic, upbea>
