The effects of Chinaâs demand for iron ore on the Australian economy In your essay, you are expected to illustrate: ⢠The broad details of how Chinaâs demand and Australiaâs investment and supply of iron ore have evolved over the past 15 years (in brief) ⢠the impact of this event on the Australian macroeconomic cycle and labour demand ⢠the consequent challenges for fiscal and monetary policy in managing the macroeconomic cycle ⢠the opportunities and risks to the future of Australiaâs ongoing iron ore (and more broadly its economic) engagement with China.
Sample Solution
group in British society that is viewed with suspicion and animosity. However, British Muslims were in fact becoming the targets for social unrest before these events. The nights of summer 2001 were disturbed by violent unrest in the North of England. The British National Party (BNP) had successfully fuelled a fire of suspicion, animosity and distrust between Muslim and White communities of Bradford, Oldham and Burnley. A clash between Muslims of mainly South Asian descent, white extremists and the police resulted in some of the worst race riots in Britain. If anything, the âriotsâ and events of 7/7 highlight the need to look at faith and religion as well as race as constructs of ethnicity. The example of the South Asian Muslim community in the North of England cannot be seen as purely based on faith and religion, as Muslim from other regions (such as Europe and the Middle East) do not share the same âidentityâ. Similarly purely race cannot be seen as markers of identity and ethnicity, as others of the same race, the Punjabi Sikhs or the Indian Hindus, are ethnically similar, yet were not part of this phenomenon. If anything, at least for the south Asian Muslim community, religion plays an important part in defining their ethnicity. This perception however may not be universally applicable to other groups of Muslims or indeed south Asians, or at least may not have as much of an impact in defining other group identities. Accepting religion is embodied in ethnicity; the rise of âIslamophobiaâ resulted in many British Muslims questioning their identities. Many have been on the âbrunt of suspicion accompanied by hostility, and have had doubts cast on them regarding their loyalty as British citizensâ (Abbas, 2005). Furthermore âIslamophobiaâ has become recognised as the leading force of racial intolerance in recent years (Marsh & Keating, 2006), in spite of this young British South Asian Muslims still regard as the most important factor of their identity, however they believe that this âIslamic identity is not incompatible with British national identityâ (Thomas, 2009p.5). British Muslims are torn between loyalties to their religion and culture and into adopting and assimilating into âBritishâ culture, which arises in conflict and identity crisis. Young British Muslims are, more and more, encompassing a cultural hybridity of identity, picking and choosing between values of their forefathers and the norms of Bri>
group in British society that is viewed with suspicion and animosity. However, British Muslims were in fact becoming the targets for social unrest before these events. The nights of summer 2001 were disturbed by violent unrest in the North of England. The British National Party (BNP) had successfully fuelled a fire of suspicion, animosity and distrust between Muslim and White communities of Bradford, Oldham and Burnley. A clash between Muslims of mainly South Asian descent, white extremists and the police resulted in some of the worst race riots in Britain. If anything, the âriotsâ and events of 7/7 highlight the need to look at faith and religion as well as race as constructs of ethnicity. The example of the South Asian Muslim community in the North of England cannot be seen as purely based on faith and religion, as Muslim from other regions (such as Europe and the Middle East) do not share the same âidentityâ. Similarly purely race cannot be seen as markers of identity and ethnicity, as others of the same race, the Punjabi Sikhs or the Indian Hindus, are ethnically similar, yet were not part of this phenomenon. If anything, at least for the south Asian Muslim community, religion plays an important part in defining their ethnicity. This perception however may not be universally applicable to other groups of Muslims or indeed south Asians, or at least may not have as much of an impact in defining other group identities. Accepting religion is embodied in ethnicity; the rise of âIslamophobiaâ resulted in many British Muslims questioning their identities. Many have been on the âbrunt of suspicion accompanied by hostility, and have had doubts cast on them regarding their loyalty as British citizensâ (Abbas, 2005). Furthermore âIslamophobiaâ has become recognised as the leading force of racial intolerance in recent years (Marsh & Keating, 2006), in spite of this young British South Asian Muslims still regard as the most important factor of their identity, however they believe that this âIslamic identity is not incompatible with British national identityâ (Thomas, 2009p.5). British Muslims are torn between loyalties to their religion and culture and into adopting and assimilating into âBritishâ culture, which arises in conflict and identity crisis. Young British Muslims are, more and more, encompassing a cultural hybridity of identity, picking and choosing between values of their forefathers and the norms of Bri>
