Discuss how the Cronulla race riots of 2005 were part of a long-standing history of racism in Australian society with reference to the White Australia policy and the introduction of multiculturalism alongside immigrant integration.Aaddress how the media’s coverage of Pauline Hanson, ethnic crime gangs, asylum seekers and Muslims post 9/11 influenced the political environment prior to 2005.
Sample Solution
Joan Wallach Scott (1986) called upon historians to be attentive to show how the language of sexual difference subtly structured a wide range of concepts, relationships, and institutions. By offering a range of new methods and objects of historical study as well as a more sophisticated approach to power, Scott extended the reach of the feminist critique beyond the descriptions of patriarchal oppression and the unearthing of female historical actors that characterized much of womenâs history. While not universally appreciated by feminist historians, many of whom felt that a focus on gender distracted attention from the oppression of women, Scottâs intervention helped pave the way for more fluid historical analyses of masculinity . The impulse to treat male behaviour and ideals as tied to shifting historical contexts encouraged historians to map masculinities according to distinct periods. Among historians of American masculinities the first extended meeting of social history and post-structuralism took place in Gail Bedermanâs Manliness & Civilization, which combined an analysis of the discursive intersection of gender and race with an interest in defining masculinities according to different periods. Bederman shows how in America the term âmasculinityâ only came into currency around 1900, partly as a reaction against the largely moral connotations of the Victorian notion of âmanlinessâ, gentility, and religiosity . If in the early 1800s âmasculineâ was at best a relatively empty, fluid adjective that generically differentiated men from women. By the 1930s, âmasculinityâ had developed into the mix of âmasculineâ ideals more familiar to twentieth-century Americans ideals. Thus, if the concept of âmanlinessâ defined as more genteel, polite, and religious ways of being a man, âmasculinityâ expressed a more modern fascination with aggression, sexuality, and primitivism ideally shared by all males in the twentieth century. In A Manâs Place, the historian John Tosh makes broadly similar claims about manhood in Britain, where an early nineteenth-century discourse that sought to define men as breadwinning heads of the household was eventually eclipsed by an attraction with adventure culminating in a âflight from domesticityâ. Tosh claims that âmasculinityâ only emerged as a popular term in Britain in the 1970s. Indeed, Tosh accords the concept of âmanlinessâ greater latitude than Bederman, observing that in addition to âgodliness and good mannersâ, it also had âbodily associationsâ including physical robustness, self>
Joan Wallach Scott (1986) called upon historians to be attentive to show how the language of sexual difference subtly structured a wide range of concepts, relationships, and institutions. By offering a range of new methods and objects of historical study as well as a more sophisticated approach to power, Scott extended the reach of the feminist critique beyond the descriptions of patriarchal oppression and the unearthing of female historical actors that characterized much of womenâs history. While not universally appreciated by feminist historians, many of whom felt that a focus on gender distracted attention from the oppression of women, Scottâs intervention helped pave the way for more fluid historical analyses of masculinity . The impulse to treat male behaviour and ideals as tied to shifting historical contexts encouraged historians to map masculinities according to distinct periods. Among historians of American masculinities the first extended meeting of social history and post-structuralism took place in Gail Bedermanâs Manliness & Civilization, which combined an analysis of the discursive intersection of gender and race with an interest in defining masculinities according to different periods. Bederman shows how in America the term âmasculinityâ only came into currency around 1900, partly as a reaction against the largely moral connotations of the Victorian notion of âmanlinessâ, gentility, and religiosity . If in the early 1800s âmasculineâ was at best a relatively empty, fluid adjective that generically differentiated men from women. By the 1930s, âmasculinityâ had developed into the mix of âmasculineâ ideals more familiar to twentieth-century Americans ideals. Thus, if the concept of âmanlinessâ defined as more genteel, polite, and religious ways of being a man, âmasculinityâ expressed a more modern fascination with aggression, sexuality, and primitivism ideally shared by all males in the twentieth century. In A Manâs Place, the historian John Tosh makes broadly similar claims about manhood in Britain, where an early nineteenth-century discourse that sought to define men as breadwinning heads of the household was eventually eclipsed by an attraction with adventure culminating in a âflight from domesticityâ. Tosh claims that âmasculinityâ only emerged as a popular term in Britain in the 1970s. Indeed, Tosh accords the concept of âmanlinessâ greater latitude than Bederman, observing that in addition to âgodliness and good mannersâ, it also had âbodily associationsâ including physical robustness, self>
