Questions:
Describe in what way(s) does social capital, social inequities, and the built environment play a vital
role in our health and health outcomes.
Describe in detail the linkages between the social environment and the built environment.
How does our environment align with concepts of social capital?
What role does the ‘built environment’ play in health and health outcomes in our community?
Sample Solution
Indeed, a young male model in London explained having to adapt his previously homophobic disposition, common in his hometown in North London. He jumped up during the interview and, with a puffed out chest and tough-guy walk, pretended to enter a casting studio, explaining, âI used to be one of these like tough guys, like âI ainât getting changed in here in front of these gay bastards!ââ Two years into mode- ling, he explained that he no longer gets uncomfortable around gay men. He continued: I had to adapt in a way, that I had to let them flirt with me, and I had to be quite a flirtatious boy. ⦠So now Iâve changed; basically, I started treating gay people same as I would treat normal straight guys. No one teaches the male model this art of suggestion; he learns it on his own. As Ryan put it, âitâs common senseâ, and âeverybody does itâ. It often takes the form of âplaying alongâ; for instance, Ethan passively let a gay client flirt with him at a party. This is the opposite strategy of gay men in other types of womenâs work, such as teachers and nurses, who, in the face of homophobia and pressure to hide their sexual orientation, play up hegemonic masculinity (Williams, 1995). While sexuality and specifically heteronor- mativity are built into norms in most occupations, we see this inverted for male models, and such expectations are built into their workplace encounters and even in leisure spaces such as at parties. Of course, not all male models are heterosexual but, barring just one self-identified gay man of the models in our sample, the men openly declared their heterosexuality dur- ing the interviews, typically without being asked. Indeed, they seemed acutely aware that their work is thought to be âfeminineâ and that they are assumed to be gay, and thus, like this London model, they set the record straight: Most people think models are gay, but not at all, a lot of male models are really big lads, if you know what I mean: they want to go out and get laid and whatever. This is where people misinterpret it. Lots of the bookers and stylists and photographers are the gay ones, itâs not the models. (Gary, 22) During interviews, the majority of the models relied on clichéd performances of het- eronormative masculinity, enacting their sexual desire with declarations that they were in the industry âfor the girlsâ or by describing their girlfriends and sexual relationships. A few models u>
Indeed, a young male model in London explained having to adapt his previously homophobic disposition, common in his hometown in North London. He jumped up during the interview and, with a puffed out chest and tough-guy walk, pretended to enter a casting studio, explaining, âI used to be one of these like tough guys, like âI ainât getting changed in here in front of these gay bastards!ââ Two years into mode- ling, he explained that he no longer gets uncomfortable around gay men. He continued: I had to adapt in a way, that I had to let them flirt with me, and I had to be quite a flirtatious boy. ⦠So now Iâve changed; basically, I started treating gay people same as I would treat normal straight guys. No one teaches the male model this art of suggestion; he learns it on his own. As Ryan put it, âitâs common senseâ, and âeverybody does itâ. It often takes the form of âplaying alongâ; for instance, Ethan passively let a gay client flirt with him at a party. This is the opposite strategy of gay men in other types of womenâs work, such as teachers and nurses, who, in the face of homophobia and pressure to hide their sexual orientation, play up hegemonic masculinity (Williams, 1995). While sexuality and specifically heteronor- mativity are built into norms in most occupations, we see this inverted for male models, and such expectations are built into their workplace encounters and even in leisure spaces such as at parties. Of course, not all male models are heterosexual but, barring just one self-identified gay man of the models in our sample, the men openly declared their heterosexuality dur- ing the interviews, typically without being asked. Indeed, they seemed acutely aware that their work is thought to be âfeminineâ and that they are assumed to be gay, and thus, like this London model, they set the record straight: Most people think models are gay, but not at all, a lot of male models are really big lads, if you know what I mean: they want to go out and get laid and whatever. This is where people misinterpret it. Lots of the bookers and stylists and photographers are the gay ones, itâs not the models. (Gary, 22) During interviews, the majority of the models relied on clichéd performances of het- eronormative masculinity, enacting their sexual desire with declarations that they were in the industry âfor the girlsâ or by describing their girlfriends and sexual relationships. A few models u>
