In this depiction, both mem and female were immersed in dreadful sorrow, but it is the female who crowd irregularly disorganised the composition. In contrast with the male members standing on the two sides expressing their sorrow through facial expression, most of female members were denied of revealing their faces but to present their emotions through exaggerated and dramatic gestures. Two women in the foreground lifted their hands up over their heads, showing their shock and pain of Iskandar’s death. The other women next to the two women stretched her arms over her head in the same gesture as Iskandar’s mother before the coffin. The mother is depicted exactly in the centre with dramatic gesture which would directly drive the attention of the viewer, emphasised the primary role of female of being mourner of the dead, at the same time addressed their important responsibility in rituals of highlighting and addressing the tragedy. A similar situation in later Safavid Muharram rituals could be imagined. This sort of catalyst of emotive feelings of the tragic death of the Imams had been a practice widely spread in popular Shi’ism.[11] Women has been stereotyped in such practices as incapable of reason and intellect that their actions are driven by emotions. Their sorrowful bodies and dreadful cries were used to create emotional chaos of grief. A precise evolution towards dramatisation of Muharram ceremonies appeared during the decline of Safavid power. There was an emergency demand of provoking lamentation and self mortification.[12] Processions of religious groups were observed by Western travelers notably by della Valle were acting as military parades, extensively fight together to show their eagerness of experiencing the dreadful tragedy of Husayn.[13] led horses at the front with its saddle heavily decorated by weapons such as bows, arrows and shields were to represent Ali or Husayn’s mounts.[14] The French traveler Mr. de montheron recorded in on elf his letters in 1641 that, a great number of men surrounded several machines and coffins decorated with trophies, arms and weapons. They were all naked, dancing, fighting and screaming. An infinite number of men armed with big sticks, evolved in all kinds of fights and battle with fury. Many of them were wounded with blood gushing from their body. Observed by della Valle, alams, the giant standards carried especially in Shiite processions particularly at the Muharram ceremony were used to symbolised the martyred imam’s weapons as well. While most of the props and decorations used in the ceremonies were lost and refreshed into new forms, alams were almost the only type of physical evidence affirming the theatrical performances on Safavid Muharram rituals that are recorded in contemporary documents. Those standards were originated in battle standards to indicate the presence of the ruler. Eskandar Beg Munshi (1560 – 1632), the Safavid historian of Shah Abbas I describes the personal standard of Shah Tahmasp at a battle defeat the Ottomans. The Venetian traveler Michele Membré (1509 – 1595) has also provided a detailed account of how the banner is present in front of the emperor that “In front go the banners, which they call alam, which are lenses covered with red broadcloth, with two points, and on the top of the lance a circle, and, inside the circle, certain letters of copper, cut out and gilded, which say, “Ali wali Allah; la blah>